Samuel Phillips Huntington (April 18, 1927 – December 24, 2008) was an influential conservative political scientist from the United States of America whose works covered multiple sub-fields of political science. He gained wider prominence through his Clash of Civilizations (1993, 1996) thesis of a post-Cold War new world order.
He was a member of Harvard's department of government from 1950 until he was denied tenure in 1959.From 1959 to 1962 he was an associate professor of government at Columbia University where he was also Deputy Director of The Institute for War and Peace Studies. Huntington was invited to return to Harvard with tenure in 1963 and remained there until his death. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1965.Huntington and Warren Demian Manshel co-founded and co-edited Foreign Policy. Huntington stayed as co-editor until 1977.
His first major book was The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations, (1957) which was highly controversial when it was published, but today is regarded as the most influential book on American civil-military relations. He became prominent with his Political Order in Changing Societies (1968), a work that challenged the conventional view of modernization theorists, that economic and social progress would produce stable democracies in recently decolonized countries. As a consultant to the U.S. Department of State, and in an influential 1968 article in Foreign Affairs, he advocated the concentration of the rural population of South Vietnam as a means of isolating the Viet Cong. He also was co-author of The Crisis of Democracy: On the Governability of Democracies, a report issued by the Trilateral Commission in 1976. During 1977 and 1978, in the administration of Jimmy Carter, he was the White House Coordinator of Security Planning for the National Security Council.
Huntington died on December 24, 2008, at age 81 in Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts.
Since its initial publication nearly fifteen years ago The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order has become a classic work of international relations and one of the most influential books ever written about foreign affairs. An insightful and powerful analysis of the forces driving global politics, it is as indispensable to our understanding of American foreign policy today as the day it was published. As former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski says in his new foreword to the book, it “has earned a place on the shelf of only about a dozen or so truly enduring works that provide the quintessential insights necessary for a broad understanding of world affairs in our time.” Samuel Huntington explains how clashes between civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace but also how an international order based on civilizations is the best safeguard against war. Events since the publication of the book have proved the wisdom of that analysis. The 9/11 attacks and wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated the threat of civilizations but have also shown how vital international cross-civilization cooperation is to restoring peace. As ideological distinctions among nations have been replaced by cultural differences, world politics has been reconfigured. Across the globe, new conflicts—and new cooperation—have replaced the old order of the Cold War era. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order explains how the population explosion in Muslim countries and the economic rise of East Asia are changing global politics. These developments challenge Western dominance, promote opposition to supposedly “universal” Western ideals, and intensify intercivilization conflict over such issues as nuclear proliferation, immigration, human rights, and democracy. The Muslim population surge has led to many small wars throughout Eurasia, and the rise of China could lead to a global war of civilizations. Huntington offers a strategy for the West to preserve its unique culture and emphasizes the need for people everywhere to learn to coexist in a complex, multipolar, muliticivilizational world.
这本书的一些细节记不清楚了。多年之前读它,仅仅因为我爱慕的那个人是学国际关系的,还是哈佛大学的博士,我希望在这个领域尽可能的多知道一些,以便交流时可以稍微多些相关话题。其实,当男人爱你的时候,是因为你有年轻的容颜,青春的活力,而不是深邃的思想,可惜那时不...
評分作为学术泰斗,不愿背上种族歧视的骂名,毁了一世声名,但为了美国的繁荣,很多话还得说,只是不能明着说,难为这老头了 最后的那个战争片段的预言挺有深意,美国本土因反战而出的分裂问题恰恰是拉美裔挑起的,而这也是下一本书他要谈到的东西 08年底,老头去世,这一年也是...
評分日本是亚洲最发达的国家之一,也是中国最重要的邻国,与中国有复杂的文化联系,两国之间也有沉重的历史包袱。了解日本的自我定位,是了解日本对本国国家利益的认识的重要途径。在《文明的冲突》之中,亨廷顿赋予了日本特殊的地位:为了遏制中国文明,西方文明必须拉拢日本文明...
評分1、一本书好不好,特别是一本关于国际关系政治学说的书,大可以放一放,等时间来验证其可读性。只是我没想到一放就是二十年。在我高中的时候,那时候全国上下掀起了浩浩荡荡批判本书的浪潮。我那时极其感兴趣,为何这本书会引起当局如此的恐惧?弗兰西斯福山的《历史的终结》,...
評分一个月之前的那个周末,受晓立之邀,我到她家吃午饭。那天的收获除了见到了这位数年未见的老同学外,值得一提的便是我从她家搬回了接下来要讲的这本书——《文明的冲突与世界秩序的重建》 为何我会选择此书并仔细精读?答案大抵与作者所提出的“为何我的文章在世界上引起了这么...
一本不錯的對世界大文明的解析
评分好
评分有些書總是得讀的。但因為有過之前相關領域的涉獵,故沒有被其中觀點震撼到的體驗。
评分亨廷頓為冷戰後的國際政治研究開闢瞭一個嶄新且充滿啓發性的視角。有一章專門探討瞭歐洲各國政治體製演變……真的讀不下去……書中對於中國的很多討論已經盡可能地避免瞭西方中心論的影響。在上世紀90年代就能做到這樣真的非常不容易。可作者走得太匆匆,導緻這本書沒能更新,隻有第一版,挺遺憾的。
评分可以說,這不是一個嚴謹的研究,而是一個猜想和論斷。變化社會—艱難抉擇—第三波—文明衝突,亨氏骨子裏實為一極傳統之保守/現實主義者:意識到人類思想與力量之有限,故堅守宗教底綫,強調秩序優先,懷疑進步主義、普世精神,對政治社會工程審慎樂觀,和而不同(我不同化你你也彆同化我),主張群體間最基本互惠容忍、超過者皆視為乾涉。本書引用例子時代性強,故略狹隘:巴爾乾亂局未擴展為文明邊界戰爭,冷戰後初期中國與伊斯蘭經貿軍事聯係未擴展為廣義文明聯盟(且中國嚮來警惕綠教滲透),俄國近鄰地區動亂很快平息。但對於世界政治許多總體趨勢,特彆是伊斯蘭快速復興和擴張,有發人深省的分析。在認同政治復興、個人認同愈來愈碎片化的世代,難以否認以文明為單位觀察世界並重構世界秩序的誘惑性:它也許讓進步主義者失望,卻簡潔而穩定。
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