具体描述
What are the grand dynamics that drive the accumulation and distribution of capital? Questions about the long-term evolution of inequality, the concentration of wealth, and the prospects for economic growth lie at the heart of political economy. But satisfactory answers have been hard to find for lack of adequate data and clear guiding theories. In Capital in the Twenty-First Century, Thomas Piketty analyzes a unique collection of data from twenty countries, ranging as far back as the eighteenth century, to uncover key economic and social patterns. His findings will transform debate and set the agenda for the next generation of thought about wealth and inequality.
Piketty shows that modern economic growth and the diffusion of knowledge have allowed us to avoid inequalities on the apocalyptic scale predicted by Karl Marx. But we have not modified the deep structures of capital and inequality as much as we thought in the optimistic decades following World War II. The main driver of inequality—the tendency of returns on capital to exceed the rate of economic growth—today threatens to generate extreme inequalities that stir discontent and undermine democratic values. But economic trends are not acts of God. Political action has curbed dangerous inequalities in the past, Piketty says, and may do so again.
A work of extraordinary ambition, originality, and rigor, Capital in the Twenty-First Century reorients our understanding of economic history and confronts us with sobering lessons for today.
作者简介
Thomas Piketty (French: [tɔ.ma pi.kɛ.ti]; born 7 May 1971) is a French economist whose work focuses on wealth and income inequality. He is a professor (directeur d'études) at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (EHESS), associate chair at the Paris School of Economics and Centennial professor at the International Inequalities Institute, which is part of the London School of Economics (LSE).
Website links: piketty.pse.ens.fr
citation: https://academic.microsoft.com/author/237398014
目录信息
Introduction
I. Income and Capital
1. Income and Output
2. Growth: Illusions and Realities
II. The Dynamics of the Capital/Income Ratio
3. The Metamorphoses of Capital
4. From Old Europe to the New World
5. The Capital/Income Ratio over the Long Run
6. The Capital–Labor Split in the Twenty-First Century
III. The Structure of Inequality
7. Inequality and Concentration: Preliminary Bearings
8. Two Worlds
9. Inequality of Labor Income
10. Inequality of Capital Ownership
11. Merit and Inheritance in the Long Run
12. Global Inequality of Wealth in the Twenty-First Century
IV. Regulating Capital in the Twenty-First Century
13. A Social State for the Twenty-First Century
14. Rethinking the Progressive Income Tax
15. A Global Tax on Capital
16. The Question of the Public Debt
Conclusion
Notes
Contents in Detail
List of Tables and Illustrations*
Index
* Tables and Illustrations
Tables
Table 1.1. Distribution of world GDP, 2012
Table 2.1. World growth since the Industrial Revolution
Table 2.2. The law of cumulated growth
Table 2.3. Demographic growth since the Industrial Revolution
Table 2.4. Employment by sector in France and the United States, 1800–2012
Table 2.5. Per capita output growth since the Industrial Revolution
Table 3.1. Public wealth and private wealth in France in 2012
Table 5.1. Growth rates and saving rates in rich countries, 1970–2010
Table 5.2. Private saving in rich countries, 1970–2010
Table 5.3. Gross and net saving in rich countries, 1970–2010
Table 5.4. Private and public saving in rich countries, 1970–2010
Table 7.1. Inequality of labor income across time and space
Table 7.2. Inequality of capital ownership across time and space
Table 7.3. Inequality of total income (labor and capital) across time and space
Table 10.1. The composition of Parisian portfolios, 1872–1912
Table 11.1. The age–wealth profile in France, 1820–2010
Table 12.1. The growth rate of top global wealth, 1987–2013
Table 12.2. The return on the capital endowments of US universities, 1980–2010
Illustrations
Figure I.1. Income inequality in the United States, 1910–2010
Figure I.2. The capital/income ratio in Europe, 1870–2010
Figure 1.1. The distribution of world output, 1700–2012
Figure 1.2. The distribution of world population, 1700–2012
Figure 1.3. Global inequality 1700–2012: divergence then convergence?
Figure 1.4. Exchange rate and purchasing power parity: euro/dollar
Figure 1.5. Exchange rate and purchasing power parity: euro/yuan
Figure 2.1. The growth of world population, 1700–2012
Figure 2.2. The growth rate of world population from Antiquity to 2100
Figure 2.3. The growth rate of per capita output since the Industrial Revolution
Figure 2.4. The growth rate of world per capita output from Antiquity to 2100
Figure 2.5. The growth rate of world output from Antiquity to 2100
Figure 2.6. Inflation since the Industrial Revolution
Figure 3.1. Capital in Britain, 1700–2010
Figure 3.2. Capital in France, 1700–2010
Figure 3.3. Public wealth in Britain, 1700–2010
Figure 3.4. Public wealth in France, 1700–2010
Figure 3.5. Private and public capital in Britain, 1700–2010
Figure 3.6. Private and public capital in France, 1700–2010
Figure 4.1. Capital in Germany, 1870–2010
Figure 4.2. Public wealth in Germany, 1870–2010
Figure 4.3. Private and public capital in Germany, 1870–2010
Figure 4.4. Private and public capital in Europe, 1870–2010
Figure 4.5. National capital in Europe, 1870–2010
Figure 4.6. Capital in the United States, 1770–2010
Figure 4.7. Public wealth in the United States, 1770–2010
Figure 4.8. Private and public capital in the United States, 1770–2010
Figure 4.9. Capital in Canada, 1860–2010
Figure 4.10. Capital and slavery in the United States
Figure 4.11. Capital around 1770–1810: Old and New World
Figure 5.1. Private and public capital: Europe and the United States, 1870–2010
Figure 5.2. National capital in Europe and America, 1870–2010
Figure 5.3. Private capital in rich countries, 1970–2010
Figure 5.4. Private capital measured in years of disposable income
Figure 5.5. Private and public capital in rich countries, 1970–2010
Figure 5.6. Market value and book value of corporations
Figure 5.7. National capital in rich countries, 1970–2010
Figure 5.8. The world capital/income ratio, 1870–2100
Figure 6.1. The capital–labor split in Britain, 1770–2010
Figure 6.2. The capital–labor split in France, 1820–2010
Figure 6.3. The pure return on capital in Britain, 1770–2010
Figure 6.4. The pure rate of return on capital in France, 1820–2010
Figure 6.5. The capital share in rich countries, 1975–2010
Figure 6.6. The profit share in the value added of corporations in France, 1900–2010
Figure 6.7. The share of housing rent in national income in France, 1900–2010
Figure 6.8. The capital share in national income in France, 1900–2010
Figure 8.1. Income inequality in France, 1910–2010
Figure 8.2. The fall of rentiers in France, 1910–2010
Figure 8.3. The composition of top incomes in France in 1932
Figure 8.4. The composition of top incomes in France in 2005
Figure 8.5. Income inequality in the United States, 1910–2010
Figure 8.6. Decomposition of the top decile, United States, 1910–2010
Figure 8.7. High incomes and high wages in the United States, 1910–2010
Figure 8.8. The transformation of the top 1 percent in the United States
Figure 8.9. The composition of top incomes in the United States in 1929
Figure 8.10. The composition of top incomes in the United States, 2007
Figure 9.1. Minimum wage in France and the United States, 1950–2013
Figure 9.2. Income inequality in Anglo-Saxon countries, 1910–2010
Figure 9.3. Income inequality in Continental Europe and Japan, 1910–2010
Figure 9.4. Income inequality in Northern and Southern Europe, 1910–2010
Figure 9.5. The top decile income share in Anglo-Saxon countries, 1910–2010
Figure 9.6. The top decile income share in Continental Europe and Japan, 1910–2010
Figure 9.7. The top decile income share in Europe and the United States, 1900–2010
Figure 9.8. Income inequality in Europe versus the United States, 1900–2010
Figure 9.9. Income inequality in emerging countries, 1910–2010
Figure 10.1. Wealth inequality in France, 1810–2010
Figure 10.2. Wealth inequality in Paris versus France, 1810–2010
Figure 10.3. Wealth inequality in Britain, 1810–2010
Figure 10.4. Wealth inequality in Sweden, 1810–2010
Figure 10.5. Wealth inequality in the United States, 1810–2010
Figure 10.6. Wealth inequality in Europe versus the United States, 1810–2010
Figure 10.7. Return to capital and growth: France, 1820–1913
Figure 10.8. Capital share and saving rate: France, 1820–1913
Figure 10.9. Rate of return versus growth rate at the world level, from Antiquity until 2100
Figure 10.10. After tax rate of return versus growth rate at the world level, from Antiquity until 2100
Figure 10.11. After tax rate of return versus growth rate at the world level, from Antiquity until 2200
Figure 11.1. The annual inheritance flow as a fraction of national income, France, 1820–2010
Figure 11.2. The mortality rate in France, 1820–2100
Figure 11.3. Average age of decedents and inheritors, France, 1820–2100
Figure 11.4. Inheritance flow versus mortality rate, France, 1820–2010
Figure 11.5. The ratio between average wealth at death and average wealth of the living, France, 1820–2010
Figure 11.6. Observed and simulated inheritance flow, France, 1820–2100
Figure 11.7. The share of inherited wealth in total wealth, France, 1850–2100
Figure 11.8. The annual inheritance flow as a fraction of household disposable income, France, 1820–2010
Figure 11.9. The share of inheritance in the total resources (inheritance and work) of cohorts born in 1790–2030
Figure 11.10. The dilemma of Rastignac for cohorts born in 1790–2030
Figure 11.11. Which fraction of a cohort receives in inheritance the equivalent of a lifetime labor income?
Figure 11.12. The inheritance flow in Europe, 1900–2010
Figure 12.1. The world’s billionaires according to Forbes, 1987–2013
Figure 12.2. Billionaires as a fraction of global population and wealth, 1987–2013
Figure 12.3. The share of top wealth fractiles in world wealth, 1987–2013
Figure 12.4. The world capital/income ratio, 1870–2100
Figure 12.5. The distribution of world capital, 1870–2100
Figure 12.6. The net foreign asset position of rich countries
Figure 13.1. Tax revenues in rich countries, 1870–2010
Figure 14.1. Top income tax rates, 1900–2013
Figure 14.2. Top inheritance tax rates, 1900–2013
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读后感
贝尔纳曾经说过,构成我们认知最大障碍的是已知的东西,而不是未知的东西。对这本书的评价,一些极端的读者,在书还没上市之前,没读过书的,只看过一些评论的情况下,依仗固化封闭的认知,对新的研究并没有表现出开放的姿态。这些号称的“自由主义者”(有热心豆友提醒我,我...
这本书很厚,有几个人看完?又有几个人看过原版的? 我是在香港看完英文原版的。看到一群人瞎逼乱说,觉得又好笑,又生气。好笑是,这么多人喜欢装逼,看书不去总结作者的中心思想,反而看书就是去找作者的弱点,然后攻击它们,最后打个一分、两分,说他哪里写的不好。好像一...
Piketty 爬梳几百年数据的努力值得钦佩,坊间一般也认为金融时报 (Giles 2014) 等提出的数据错误未从根本上动摇此书的发现。但这并不意味着除此之外 Piketty 的结论就无懈可击。事实上该书从经验结果到因果解释都大有值得商榷之处。 巴黎政治学院的四位学者 (Bonnet et al. 20...
2014 年最火爆的 书中莫过于 是《 21 世纪 资本论 》了, 学期中的 时候偶然机会 借到了 这本,便拜读了一下感触 颇深。 这本书 之所以 能如此 火爆, 我觉得 在于 这本书选择对了 主题,在 21 世纪 的 今天, 资本积累今天, 资本积累财富 不均衡 、不均等的现象普遍存在 ,一...
客观的说,《21世纪资本论》一点也没有针对奥地利学派,也没有任何批驳奥地利学派的内容,但是奥地利学派却如临大敌。比如奥地利学派的微信账号多次公布贬低《21世纪资本论》的文章,其门徒更是在豆瓣上排着队地打一星,奥地利学派之所以对这一本与自己毫无关联的书恨之入...
用户评价
《二十一世纪资本论》这个书名,在我脑海中立刻勾勒出一幅波澜壮阔的经济画卷。作为一个对社会发展和经济变迁充满关注的读者,我一直对那些能够揭示时代本质的书籍抱有特别的期待。我深知,在当今世界,资本的力量无处不在,它深刻地影响着我们的生活、工作,甚至思维方式。然而,我有时会感到,对于资本的运作机制,尤其是它在二十一世纪呈现出的新特征,我的理解还不够深入和系统。《二十一世纪资本论》的出现,似乎正是要填补我在这方面的知识空白。我期待这本书能够提供一个宏观的视角,让我能够跳出日常的琐碎,去审视资本在更广阔的维度上如何运作,它如何与其他社会力量相互作用,以及它对未来的发展方向可能产生怎样的影响。这对我来说,是一次探索经济奥秘的旅程,一次对时代脉搏的精准把握。
当我第一次看到《二十一世纪资本论》这个书名时,我的内心便涌起一股强烈的求知欲。我始终相信,理解经济,就是理解我们生活的这个世界。而“资本”无疑是经济世界的核心驱动力之一。然而,随着科技的飞速发展和全球化的深入,我隐约感觉到,资本的形态和运作方式正在发生着前所未有的变化,它不再是我们过去所理解的那个单一的、静态的概念。我希望《二十一世纪资本论》能够像一位博学的向导,带领我穿越经济学的丛林,去揭示那些隐藏在数据和理论背后的深刻洞见。我渴望了解,在二十一世纪的语境下,资本是如何被创造、被积累、被分配的?它又如何影响着社会结构、权力格局,乃至个人命运?这本书对我来说,不仅仅是一次阅读,更是一次思想的启蒙,一次对时代经济命题的深度思考。
仅仅是《二十一世纪资本论》的书名,就已经点燃了我内心深处的好奇。我一直认为,理解经济运行的规律,是理解我们所处世界的基础。而“资本”无疑是这个体系中最核心的要素之一。随着时代的发展,我感觉到资本的含义和作用正在发生微妙但深刻的变化,而我却感到自己在认知上有些滞后。这本书的出现,让我看到了一个系统性梳理和深度解析的机会。我希望它能带领我穿越历史的长河,去理解资本是如何一步步塑造了我们今天的社会结构。更重要的是,我期待它能提供一些有力的洞见,来解释当前全球经济面临的挑战,比如日益扩大的贫富差距、经济增长的瓶颈,以及这些问题背后是否存在着某种与资本相关的普遍性规律。《二十一世纪资本论》对我来说,不仅仅是一本书,更是一盏指引灯,照亮了我对当下经济格局的迷茫,帮助我更清晰地认识这个充满变革的时代。
读完《二十一世纪资本论》的封面,我便被它厚重的纸张和一丝不苟的印刷所吸引。书名本身就带着一种宏大叙事的野心,仿佛要将我们带入一个全新的经济学视野。我是一个对社会经济发展有着浓厚兴趣的普通读者,平日里阅读的书籍涉猎广泛,但对于经济学理论的深度探索,我总觉得缺少了那把钥匙。《二十一世纪资本论》的出现,让我觉得这或许就是我一直在寻找的。它不仅仅是一本关于“资本”的书,更是一次对我们所处时代经济形态的深刻剖析,以及对未来走向的审慎预测。我开始想象,书中会如何将宏观的经济数据转化为引人入胜的故事,如何用严谨的逻辑阐述复杂的经济现象,以及最重要的,它将如何挑战我们对财富分配、贫富差距等敏感问题的既有认知。我迫不及待地想翻开它,去感受作者是如何将历史的纵深与当下的现实巧妙地结合,去理解那些藏在数字背后的社会脉络,去思考它所描绘的未来是否是我们每个人都必须面对的。这本书对我来说,不仅仅是一次阅读体验,更像是一次智识上的远足,一段发现之旅。
这本书的体量让我有些望而却步,但封面上那醒目的标题《二十一世纪资本论》却又像磁石一样吸引着我。作为一名在市场经济浪潮中摸爬滚打多年的个体,我对“资本”这个词有着复杂的情感。它既是机遇的象征,也是风险的代名词。这本书的出现,恰逢其时,似乎在用一种全新的视角来审视这个我们再熟悉不过的概念。我常常在想,在科技飞速发展、全球化日益加深的今天,资本的形态和运作方式究竟发生了怎样的演变?它是否依然遵循着我们过去所理解的规律?《二十一世纪资本论》是否能够提供一个清晰的框架,帮助我们梳理这些纷繁复杂的线索?我期待书中能够揭示那些隐藏在经济报表和新闻报道之下的深层驱动力,解释为何贫富差距似乎越来越难以弥合,以及在这样一个时代,普通人如何才能更好地理解并应对资本的力量。这本书对我而言,是一次深入的社会经济学探索,一次对时代脉搏的把握,一次对个人财富观的重塑。
masterarbeit
历史研究和数据很扎实也很可讨论,但方法和深度上似乎达不到“资本论”这三字所承载的重量,且与马克思/左翼学说关系其实很模糊。皮氏最有雄心说法在于,若无政治社会因素遏制资本回报率高于经济增长率之律,则随着人口增长率和经济总体增长率持续走低,资本收入占国民收入总份额将随时间累进上升,由于资本遗产不断继承和抽取租值而再生产不平等。此条定律欲成立,首先人口总量增长和经济增长率必须足以低到无法改变资本回报率的累进和摊薄遗产的效应,二是资本回报率高于经济增长率之定律需在理论上有更好证明而非只用数据说明,皆需要深论。对于资本定义亦不清晰,与财富混淆,马氏对于资本在生产流通和追逐利润中产生的社会后果似被皮氏忽略,仅讨论作为存量的资本的生财效应。至于全球资本税设想,似不过将托宾税扩展到资本而已,反无甚新意。
Piketty 把讲义和paper都结成册子了,每晚睡前读两页,睡的特别香。
很显然,这本书将影响整个21世纪。书名叫《21世纪资本论》这本书既是对20世纪对21世纪的影响的综述,也是对未来资本趋势的最大预测。作者对卡尔马克思有致敬之意,不知道,影响力会不会如同老马一样,拭目以待。
把想象中的更加严肃更加学术