Sir Isaiah Berlin was a philosopher and historian of ideas, regarded as one of the leading liberal thinkers of the twentieth century. He excelled as an essayist, lecturer and conversationalist; and as a brilliant speaker who delivered, rapidly and spontaneously, richly allusive and coherently structured material, whether for a lecture series at Oxford University or as a broadcaster on the BBC Third Programme, usually without a script. Many of his essays and lectures were later collected in book form.
Born in Riga, now capital of Latvia, then part of the Russian Empire, he was the first person of Jewish descent to be elected to a prize fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford. From 1957 to 1967, he was Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at the University of Oxford. He was president of the Aristotelian Society from 1963 to 1964. In 1966, he helped to found Wolfson College, Oxford, and became its first President. He was knighted in 1957, and was awarded the Order of Merit in 1971. He was President of the British Academy from 1974 to 1978. He also received the 1979 Jerusalem Prize for his writings on individual freedom. Berlin's work on liberal theory has had a lasting influence.
Berlin is best known for his essay Two Concepts of Liberty, delivered in 1958 as his inaugural lecture as Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at Oxford. He defined negative liberty as the absence of constraints on, or interference with, agents' possible action. Greater "negative freedom" meant fewer restrictions on possible action. Berlin associated positive liberty with the idea of self-mastery, or the capacity to determine oneself, to be in control of one's destiny. While Berlin granted that both concepts of liberty represent valid human ideals, as a matter of history the positive concept of liberty has proven particularly susceptible to political abuse.
Berlin contended that under the influence of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant and G. W. F. Hegel (all committed to the positive concept of liberty), European political thinkers often equated liberty with forms of political discipline or constraint. This became politically dangerous when notions of positive liberty were, in the nineteenth century, used to defend nationalism, self-determination and the Communist idea of collective rational control over human destiny. Berlin argued that, following this line of thought, demands for freedom paradoxically become demands for forms of collective control and discipline – those deemed necessary for the "self-mastery" or self-determination of nations, classes, democratic communities, and even humanity as a whole. There is thus an elective affinity, for Berlin, between positive liberty and political totalitarianism.
Conversely, negative liberty represents a different, perhaps safer, understanding of the concept of liberty. Its proponents (such as Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill) insisted that constraint and discipline were the antithesis of liberty and so were (and are) less prone to confusing liberty and constraint in the manner of the philosophical harbingers of modern totalitarianism. It is this concept of Negative Liberty that Isaiah Berlin supported. It dominated heavily his early chapters in his third lecture.
This negative liberty is central to the claim for toleration due to incommensurability. This concept is mirrored in the work of Joseph Raz.
Berlin's espousal of negative liberty, his hatred of totalitarianism and his experience of Russia in the revolution and through his contact with the poet Anna Akhmatova made him an enemy of the Soviet Union and he was one of the leading public intellectuals in the ideological battle against Communism during the Cold War.
Liberty is a revised and expanded edition of the book that Isaiah Berlin regarded as his most important—Four Essays on Liberty, a standard text of liberalism, constantly in demand and constantly discussed since it was first published in 1969. Writing in Harper's, Irving Howe described it as "an exhilarating performance—this, one tells oneself, is what the life of the mind can be."
Berlin's editor Henry Hardy has revised the text, incorporating a fifth essay that Berlin himself had wanted to include. He has also added further pieces that bear on the same topic, so that Berlin's principal statements on liberty are at last available together in one volume. Finally, in an extended preface and in appendices drawn from Berlin's unpublished writings, he exhibits some of the biographical sources of Berlin's lifelong preoccupation with liberalism. These additions help us to grasp the nature of Berlin's "inner citadel," as he called it—the core of personal conviction from which some of his most influential writing sprung.
在这本著名的主张“消极自由”价值立场的书中,以赛亚•伯林首先以一篇论述二十世纪政治思想观念的文章作为铺垫。根据伯林一贯的论述,自柏拉图一直到马基雅维里的思想家,无论他们各自的政治观念多么不同,总是共享三个观点:即认为社会问题是急需解决的真切问题;对于这些...
評分【按语:伯林的写作明澈而渊博,但整理纲要时居然就蒸发了。《自由论》是伯林的几篇重要文章的结集:反对决定论辩护了自由选择后,伯林在多元论基石上辩护和捍卫了作为现代文明标志和自由主义之核心的消极自由的概念,同时暗示地将积极自由与自暴自弃和暴政联系起来。另外,伯...
評分读这本书时,自始至终贯穿着强大的内在张力,即价值多元论和价值一元论之间的矛盾。按照柏林的说法,人们对于外在的世界追寻的时候,不断发现统御万物的真理,由外及里地想把这种真理贯穿到人的内在世界里;另一方面人们有追寻唯一真理的内在驱动力,即使这些真理表述方式...
評分读这本书时,自始至终贯穿着强大的内在张力,即价值多元论和价值一元论之间的矛盾。按照柏林的说法,人们对于外在的世界追寻的时候,不断发现统御万物的真理,由外及里地想把这种真理贯穿到人的内在世界里;另一方面人们有追寻唯一真理的内在驱动力,即使这些真理表述方式...
評分大约十个月前,我读了柏林的《两种自由的概念》,写了一点评论,现在让我自己读,也觉得写得相当的杂乱,大概提及对他消极和积极自由概念区分的不满意,对他自由意志论述不清的不满意,对柏林所体现出来的功利主义的不满,尤其是他提出一种人存在对地位和认可的寻求,也是一种...
從南校運過來的書。導修前重讀two concepts of liberty
评分2006年寫畢業論文竟然參考過,估計是純粹裝逼,八成都沒讀吧
评分讀Berlin就仿佛是一個英國老紳士在你對麵,語調冷靜剋製,但藏不住厚重的情懷。自由四論。還是要相信一些使人生之為人的原則,不管遙不遙遠。
评分Although Sir Isaiah Berlin has shown his apparent indifference to values in history, such as freedom and justice, and holds a superficial attitude towards values' conflict, still he displays the outstanding taste of a Classic liberalist——a writing style of prudent and fluent, and most important, explicit sightseeing and distinction.
评分PT 101
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