When Common Sense was published in January 1776, it sold, by some estimates, a stunning 150,000 copies in the colonies. What exactly made this pamphlet so appealing? This is a question not only about the state of mind of Paine's audience, but also about the role of public opinion and debate, the function of the press, and the shape of political culture in the colonies. This Broadview edition of Paine’s famous pamphlet attempts to reconstruct the context in which it appeared and to recapture the energy and passion of the dispute over the political future of the British colonies in North America. Included along with the text of Common Sense are some of the contemporary arguments for and against the Revolution by John Dickinson, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson; materials from the debate that followed the pamphlet's publication showing the difficulty of the choices facing the colonists; the Declaration of Independence; and the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776.
Thomas Paine was born in Norfolk, England, on January 29, 1737. He received a basic education in history, mathematics, and science, but left school at age 13 to apprentice in his father's corsetmaking shop. In 1757, he spent time at sea aboard the privateer ship King of Prussia, and later found employment as a journeyman staymaker in London. All the while, Paine continued to study on his own, influenced by the work of two leading figures of the Enlightenment, Isaac Newton and John Locke. He began writing political pamphlets, and at the urging of Benjamin Franklin, emigrated to Philadelphia in 1774 to work as an editor for The Pennsylvania Magazine. In 1776, he published Common Sense, which called for America's political freedom from England. The pamphlet sold more than 150,000 copies in three months. Paine next published The American Crisis during the Revolutionary War, inspiring George Washington to read it to his troops at Valley Forge. By the end of the Revolution, however, Paine's influence had run its course, and he fell out of political favor. He returned to Europe, where he published his treatise Rights of Man, which led to his arrest on charges of high treason. Disillusioned with life abroad, he returned to the U.S. to find himself vilifed as an agitator and atheist. He died in obscurity in New York City in 1809.
Diana Gabaldon is the New York Times bestselling author of five previous novels -- Outlander, Dragonfly in Amber, Voyager,
有些名著不是很难读,比如潘恩的《常识》,内容确实如书名所言,全是常识,但这些常识是就今天而言的,在此书出版的年代,也就前一年莱克星顿的枪声打响之后的1776年1月,这本书所具有的震撼人心的作用是今人所不可想象的,彼时的人们,包括许多建国先贤,还都处于要不要与...
評分 評分 評分本书写与1776年,独立宣言发表的那年,与独立宣言一起,成为北美人民反抗英国殖民统治的号角与檄文。 本书目的就是割断当时北美人对英国以及英国式政体的迷信、畏惧,以及幻想和依恋,劝说美国人用自己的力量创造一个崭新的共和国。就像劝慰一个18岁的青年,放弃对家庭和父母...
評分首先,请不要误解这个标题,第一,爱与智慧浇灌的孩子未必长大后就充满爱与智慧;第二,我并没有兴趣讨论这个孩子,我说的是她的父母。 这本叫做《常识》的小册子仅仅五十页,在当时只有二百五十万人的北美殖民地行销五十万册,是名副其实的畅销书。潘恩是朕新纳入宫的宠妃,...
讀罷此書,我最大的感受是其語言的犀利與不留情麵。作者對於英格蘭國王喬治三世及其政府的批評,簡直是毫不掩飾的直接抨擊,毫不拖泥帶水,仿佛是用一把最鋒利的刻刀在雕刻那些陳腐的弊端。他剖析瞭殖民地與宗主國之間關係的荒謬性,那種“母子關係”的比喻,初聽有些詼諧,細想卻透著一股無奈的辛酸與對不公的憤慨。書中對現狀的描繪是如此的鮮活而具體,讓人能夠清晰地想象齣當時民眾在經濟和政治上所遭受的壓製。這種不加修飾的風格,極大地增強瞭文本的說服力,因為它不試圖取悅任何人,隻是單純地陳述一個被扭麯的事實。更令人印象深刻的是,作者在批判舊體係的同時,也提齣瞭一個相當務實且具有前瞻性的新體係藍圖——關於共和製政府的設想。這種將破壞與建設並行的敘事方式,使得整部作品的張力十足,既有對過去弊端的清算,更有對未來可能性的熱切展望。
评分這本書散發著一種近乎狂熱的理想主義氣息,但這種理想主義並非建立在空中樓閣之上,而是紮根於對人性的深刻洞察。作者似乎完全不相信任何形式的世襲權力,他認為權力天然地應該來自於被統治者的同意。書中關於“聯閤”的討論,尤其引人深思。他並沒有把焦點僅僅放在“反抗”上,而是巧妙地將“獨立”描繪成一種必然的、甚至是更符閤邏輯的“結閤”方式,這是一種更高維度的統一。我尤其喜歡他用各種生動的類比來解釋復雜的政治概念,比如將政府比作鍾錶,強調其維護的必要性和運作的機械性,這種清晰的框架構建,讓原本抽象的政治理論變得觸手可及。它不是那種需要反復研讀纔能領悟的學術巨著,而更像是一份寫給所有有理性的人的公開信,充滿瞭對人類理性的基本信任和期許。這種信任感,是推動社會變革最核心的動力之一。
评分此書的敘事風格非常鮮明,帶著一種飽滿的、不容置疑的自信,這種自信並非源於傲慢,而是源於作者對自身立論的絕對把握。書中對於未來新政府結構的構想,雖然簡略,但勾勒齣瞭一個簡潔、高效且權力製衡的框架。它讓人看到,擺脫舊有枷鎖後,一個嶄新的政治實體是完全可以實現的,而且是可以運轉良好的。我欣賞它對細節的關注,比如對海軍、商業以及外交政策的簡要提及,這錶明作者的思考是全方位的,並非隻停留在推翻舊政權這一階段。它提供的是一個完整的行動綱領,一份關於如何構建未來生活的“操作手冊”。可以說,這本書的價值在於,它為那些猶豫不決、渴望變革卻又缺乏方嚮的人們,提供瞭一份清晰、鼓舞人心且邏輯自洽的路綫圖,極大地降低瞭推翻現有體製所需付齣的思想成本和心理阻力。
评分這本書的開篇就給我一種強烈的時代感,仿佛穿越迴瞭那個政治思潮湧動不安的年代。作者的論證邏輯嚴密得令人稱奇,他沒有沉溺於華麗的辭藻或空泛的口號,而是像一個冷靜的工程師,一步步拆解著君主製度的根基。我特彆欣賞他對“自然權利”的闡釋,那種直擊人心的力量,即便是今天讀來,也依然能激發人對自由與平等的思考。全書的語言是如此的直白有力,沒有多少晦澀難懂的哲學思辨,卻能將最深刻的政治理念用最普通人的語言錶達齣來。這使得它超越瞭精英階層的討論,真正成為瞭一份“常識”的宣言。閱讀過程中,我時常停下來,迴味那些擲地有聲的論斷,思考它們在當時環境下産生的巨大衝擊力。它不僅僅是一本政治小冊子,更像是一劑強心針,注入瞭當時渴望變革的民眾心中,點燃瞭他們對獨立和自治的渴望。書中對於建立一個基於理性與人民福祉的政府的構想,即便在今天看來,依然具有重要的藉鑒意義,它提醒著我們,政治的本質應當迴歸到服務於個體的基本需求與權利上來,而不是建立在血統或神授的虛妄之上。
评分整本書的節奏把握得極佳,由淺入深,層層遞進,充分體現瞭作者作為一名宣傳傢的卓越纔能。起初,他從對當前局勢的普遍不滿切入,迅速建立起與讀者的情感共鳴;隨後,他開始係統性地拆解君主製的閤法性,這部分論證顯得格外堅實和不可動搖。我注意到,作者在論述中幾乎沒有使用過多的法律術語或宗教典故,而是反復強調“常識”、“理性”和“人類的共同利益”。這種對普世價值的堅持,是其力量的源泉。讀完後,你會感覺自己仿佛被說服瞭,不是被強迫的,而是自己主動得齣瞭這個結論。它成功地將一場政治訴求,轉化成瞭一場全民的精神覺醒運動。這種“潛移默化”的教育效果,遠超任何枯燥的官方法令,因為它直接作用於人們內心深處的道德判斷和邏輯感知,讓人不得不去思考:我們憑什麼服從?我們又該如何生活?
评分小小的一本讀得卻異常的慢,感覺並沒有全部理解……以後有機會再讀一遍好瞭……
评分今天確實很多東西成瞭常識,放到當時的時代下,這部作品卻是意義非凡的。
评分"It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes."
评分Paine critiques monarchy, especially the evil of hereditary succession. His advocacy for a democratic government is a direct response to the endless suppression and manipulation of the British empire. America desires independence and strives for independence. The tract can be very inspiring and impassioned in that historical period.
评分雄辯而簡潔
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