图书标签: 日本 费正清东亚研究奖 日本史 日本近代史 Japan 英文原版 美国 未读完
发表于2024-11-25
Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024
Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history. Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth-century movement for "imperial democracy" shaped by the nineteenth-century drive to promote capitalism and build a modern nation and empire. When the propertied, educated leaders of this movement gained a share of power in the 1920s, they disagreed on how far to go toward incorporating working men and women into an expanded body politic. For their part, workers became ambivalent toward working within the imperial democratic system. In this context, the intense polarization of laborers and owners during the Depression helped ultimately to destroy the legitimacy of imperial democracy.Gordon suggests that the thought and behavior of Japanese workers both reflected and furthered the intense concern with popular participation and national power that has marked Japan's modern history. He points to a post-World War II legacy for imperial democracy in both the organization of the working class movement and the popular willingness to see GNP growth as an index of national glory. Importantly, Gordon shows how historians might reconsider the roles of tenant farmers, students, and female activists, for example, in the rise and transformation of imperial democracy. Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history. Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth-century movement for "imperial democracy" shaped by the nineteenth-century drive to promote capitalism and build a modern nation and empire. When the propertied, educated leaders of this movement gained a share of power in the 1920s, they disagreed on how far to go toward incorporating working men and women into an expanded body politic. For their part, workers became ambivalent toward working within the imperial democratic system. In this context, the intense polarization of laborers and owners during the Depression helped ultimately to destroy the legitimacy of imperial democracy.Gordon suggests that the thought and behavior of Japanese workers both reflected and furthered the intense concern with popular participation and national power that has marked Japan's modern history. He points to a post-World War II legacy for imperial democracy in both the organization of the working class movement and the popular willingness to see GNP growth as an index of national glory. Importantly, Gordon shows how historians might reconsider the roles of tenant farmers, students, and female activists, for example, in the rise and transformation of imperial democracy.
戰前日本的種種讓人聯想到今日中國
评分Part2。在日比谷纵火案和抢粮风潮之间,日本发生大量民众暴力事件,而集会与动乱正是争取帝国民主的运动中的两个核心元素;表达方式部分延续江户时代的习惯,部分如动员、公开的资/无产阶级的对立则为新发明;动乱的三阶段模式包括政治动员、于公共场合集结乃至最终激化为暴乱,成员各色人等俱在,却排斥女性;动乱发起者主要为受过教育的人,而实际参与者往往不受控制,其政治意识存疑,多数人仅仅出于好奇;尚有粗通文墨的临时领导人负责沟通前二者。动乱份子通过同寡头政府抢夺象征时间的控制权、户外集会地点,以及戏仿后者的宣传形式,变动乱为剧码;不同成员发出了关乎经济福利、激进对外政策和国内政治的重叠声音,从而消除了原先的阶层差异;假“人民意志”、“立宪”等修辞表达忠君与民治/享的双重诉求。一战后工运脱离小资,独立发展。
评分Part2。在日比谷纵火案和抢粮风潮之间,日本发生大量民众暴力事件,而集会与动乱正是争取帝国民主的运动中的两个核心元素;表达方式部分延续江户时代的习惯,部分如动员、公开的资/无产阶级的对立则为新发明;动乱的三阶段模式包括政治动员、于公共场合集结乃至最终激化为暴乱,成员各色人等俱在,却排斥女性;动乱发起者主要为受过教育的人,而实际参与者往往不受控制,其政治意识存疑,多数人仅仅出于好奇;尚有粗通文墨的临时领导人负责沟通前二者。动乱份子通过同寡头政府抢夺象征时间的控制权、户外集会地点,以及戏仿后者的宣传形式,变动乱为剧码;不同成员发出了关乎经济福利、激进对外政策和国内政治的重叠声音,从而消除了原先的阶层差异;假“人民意志”、“立宪”等修辞表达忠君与民治/享的双重诉求。一战后工运脱离小资,独立发展。
评分Part2。在日比谷纵火案和抢粮风潮之间,日本发生大量民众暴力事件,而集会与动乱正是争取帝国民主的运动中的两个核心元素;表达方式部分延续江户时代的习惯,部分如动员、公开的资/无产阶级的对立则为新发明;动乱的三阶段模式包括政治动员、于公共场合集结乃至最终激化为暴乱,成员各色人等俱在,却排斥女性;动乱发起者主要为受过教育的人,而实际参与者往往不受控制,其政治意识存疑,多数人仅仅出于好奇;尚有粗通文墨的临时领导人负责沟通前二者。动乱份子通过同寡头政府抢夺象征时间的控制权、户外集会地点,以及戏仿后者的宣传形式,变动乱为剧码;不同成员发出了关乎经济福利、激进对外政策和国内政治的重叠声音,从而消除了原先的阶层差异;假“人民意志”、“立宪”等修辞表达忠君与民治/享的双重诉求。一战后工运脱离小资,独立发展。
评分Part2。在日比谷纵火案和抢粮风潮之间,日本发生大量民众暴力事件,而集会与动乱正是争取帝国民主的运动中的两个核心元素;表达方式部分延续江户时代的习惯,部分如动员、公开的资/无产阶级的对立则为新发明;动乱的三阶段模式包括政治动员、于公共场合集结乃至最终激化为暴乱,成员各色人等俱在,却排斥女性;动乱发起者主要为受过教育的人,而实际参与者往往不受控制,其政治意识存疑,多数人仅仅出于好奇;尚有粗通文墨的临时领导人负责沟通前二者。动乱份子通过同寡头政府抢夺象征时间的控制权、户外集会地点,以及戏仿后者的宣传形式,变动乱为剧码;不同成员发出了关乎经济福利、激进对外政策和国内政治的重叠声音,从而消除了原先的阶层差异;假“人民意志”、“立宪”等修辞表达忠君与民治/享的双重诉求。一战后工运脱离小资,独立发展。
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Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024