Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history. Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth-century movement for "imperial democracy" shaped by the nineteenth-century drive to promote capitalism and build a modern nation and empire. When the propertied, educated leaders of this movement gained a share of power in the 1920s, they disagreed on how far to go toward incorporating working men and women into an expanded body politic. For their part, workers became ambivalent toward working within the imperial democratic system. In this context, the intense polarization of laborers and owners during the Depression helped ultimately to destroy the legitimacy of imperial democracy.Gordon suggests that the thought and behavior of Japanese workers both reflected and furthered the intense concern with popular participation and national power that has marked Japan's modern history. He points to a post-World War II legacy for imperial democracy in both the organization of the working class movement and the popular willingness to see GNP growth as an index of national glory. Importantly, Gordon shows how historians might reconsider the roles of tenant farmers, students, and female activists, for example, in the rise and transformation of imperial democracy. Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history. Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth-century movement for "imperial democracy" shaped by the nineteenth-century drive to promote capitalism and build a modern nation and empire. When the propertied, educated leaders of this movement gained a share of power in the 1920s, they disagreed on how far to go toward incorporating working men and women into an expanded body politic. For their part, workers became ambivalent toward working within the imperial democratic system. In this context, the intense polarization of laborers and owners during the Depression helped ultimately to destroy the legitimacy of imperial democracy.Gordon suggests that the thought and behavior of Japanese workers both reflected and furthered the intense concern with popular participation and national power that has marked Japan's modern history. He points to a post-World War II legacy for imperial democracy in both the organization of the working class movement and the popular willingness to see GNP growth as an index of national glory. Importantly, Gordon shows how historians might reconsider the roles of tenant farmers, students, and female activists, for example, in the rise and transformation of imperial democracy.
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这本书的叙事如同穿过一幅老旧的日式屏风,层层叠叠,细节丰富得让人几乎能闻到木头和墨水的味道。作者似乎并不急于抛出结论,而是耐心地引导读者走进那个特定历史时期的社会肌理之中。我特别欣赏它在描摹劳工阶层日常生活的笔触上的细腻与克制。那些关于工厂车间内紧张气氛的描述,以及工人如何在严苛的制度下寻找哪怕一丝喘息空间的侧写,都显得无比真实可感。它不是那种高高在上的宏大叙事,更像是一部浸润着汗水和尘土的田野调查记录,将抽象的“社会矛盾”转化成了活生生的人与人之间的互动和挣扎。那种历史的厚重感,仿佛透过书页渗透出来,让人不得不放慢阅读的脚步,去细细品味每一个用词背后的深意。这本书成功地将宏大的政治经济背景,巧妙地融入到个体命运的微观叙事之中,使得历史不再是冰冷的年代划分,而是有温度、有血肉的生命体验。
评分对我而言,这本书的价值并不在于它提供了多少明确的答案,而在于它提出了多少深刻且难以回避的问题。它像一把锋利的手术刀,精准地切开了社会结构中的脆弱点,毫不留情地展示了权力如何从经济基础渗透到意识形态的上层建筑。作者在处理跨学科概念时展现出的游刃有余,尤其是在融合了经济史、社会学和政治理论的分析框架时,构建了一个极其稳固的分析平台。我发现自己不断地在思考:在面对系统性的不公时,个体的反抗究竟能产生多大的涟漪?这种思考并非来自书本的直接引导,而是源于阅读过程中所接触到的那些残酷的、却又真实的历史案例所激发出的内在共鸣。这本书迫使你直面历史的复杂性,拒绝一切廉价的安慰和简化。
评分初读此书,最先冲击我的是其论证的缜密与逻辑的严谨性,仿佛一位技艺精湛的钟表匠,将无数细小的齿轮精准地咬合在一起,最终驱动起一个宏伟的、清晰的运作机制。它不是那种提供慰藉或简单解释的读物,相反,它要求读者保持高度的警觉和批判性的思维。作者对于不同政治派系间微妙的权力角力,以及这些角力如何形塑了当时工业政策的微妙转向,进行了令人叹服的梳理。尤其是在分析特定法案的通过或搁置过程中,作者展示了对档案材料的深厚功力,将那些看似偶然的政治决策,还原为一系列必然的、基于利益权衡的结果。读完一段,我常常需要停下来,重新审视自己原有的历史认知,因为它不断地在挑战那种简化的“好人与坏人”的二元对立叙事,代之以更灰暗、更复杂的现实图景。
评分这本书的阅读体验,可以用“沉浸式”来形容,但绝不是那种轻松愉快的沉浸。更像是一场对复杂历史迷宫的探索,需要极大的心力和专注度。作者在构建历史场景时所采用的语言风格,充满了学术的精准性,但又不失一种古老的、近乎史诗般的叙事力量。它没有刻意迎合现代读者的阅读习惯,反而要求读者主动适应其节奏,进入到那个特定年代的语境中去理解人物动机。我尤其对书中对“民主”概念在特定语境下被重新定义和扭曲的过程的考察印象深刻。那种被上层精英所掌握和解读的“民主”,与底层民众实际所感受到的压抑和剥削之间的巨大鸿沟,被刻画得入木三分。阅读过程中,我时常会感觉到一种强烈的时代错位感,那是历史的必然性与个体选择的偶然性相互碰撞产生的巨大张力。
评分这本书的结构安排,堪称一绝。它并非线性展开,而是像一个精妙的万花筒,从不同的侧面、不同的社会阶层切入,最终汇聚成一个关于权力、劳动与国家形态演变的综合性论断。作者似乎非常擅长捕捉那些“边缘的声音”,那些在主流历史叙事中往往被淹没的微小群体的声音。通过对这些边缘叙事的梳理和重构,作者成功地揭示了表面和谐之下的暗流涌动。我发现自己被深深吸引的,是那种对细微之处的执着——一个标签的变动,一次罢工的口号,甚至是一份官方报告中的微妙措辞,在作者的解读下,都成为了洞察整个时代精神风貌的钥匙。读完之后,世界观并未被颠覆,但看待历史的角度却被永久性地修正了,多了一种更具耐心和怀疑精神的审视方式。
评分戰前日本的種種讓人聯想到今日中國
评分戰前日本的種種讓人聯想到今日中國
评分看看这扎实的史料运用!看看这朴实的行文造句!(在这里膜并没有用
评分看看这扎实的史料运用!看看这朴实的行文造句!(在这里膜并没有用
评分Part2。在日比谷纵火案和抢粮风潮之间,日本发生大量民众暴力事件,而集会与动乱正是争取帝国民主的运动中的两个核心元素;表达方式部分延续江户时代的习惯,部分如动员、公开的资/无产阶级的对立则为新发明;动乱的三阶段模式包括政治动员、于公共场合集结乃至最终激化为暴乱,成员各色人等俱在,却排斥女性;动乱发起者主要为受过教育的人,而实际参与者往往不受控制,其政治意识存疑,多数人仅仅出于好奇;尚有粗通文墨的临时领导人负责沟通前二者。动乱份子通过同寡头政府抢夺象征时间的控制权、户外集会地点,以及戏仿后者的宣传形式,变动乱为剧码;不同成员发出了关乎经济福利、激进对外政策和国内政治的重叠声音,从而消除了原先的阶层差异;假“人民意志”、“立宪”等修辞表达忠君与民治/享的双重诉求。一战后工运脱离小资,独立发展。
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