Book with No Title, The

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出版者:Goldstein Publishing
作者:Emmanuel Goldstein
出品人:
页数:0
译者:
出版时间:1999-12-15
价格:$19.84
装帧:Hardcover
isbn号码:9780953685509
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  • 小说
  • 文学
  • 虚构
  • 现代文学
  • 当代文学
  • 实验小说
  • 意识流
  • 后现代主义
  • 艺术小说
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具体描述

In the totalitarian society of Oceania, ruled by the omnipotent and omniscient Party, in its propaganda, Emmanuel Goldstein is the principal enemy of the state — a former member of the Inner Party – continually conspiring against the leadership of Big Brother. Early in the story, about "the book" the protagonist thinks to himself: "There were . . . whispered stories of a terrible book, a compendium of all the heresies, of which Goldstein was the author and which circulated clandestinely here and there. It was a book without a title. People referred to it, if at all, simply as The Book".

Chapter I

Ignorance is Strength details the perpetual class struggle characteristic of human societies; beginning with the historical observation that societies always have hierarchically divided themselves into social classes and castes: the High (who rule); the Middle (who work for, and yearn to supplant the High), and the Low (whose goal is quotidian survival). Cyclically, the Middle deposed the High, by enlisting the Low, however, upon assuming power, the Middle (the new High class) they recast the Low into their usual servitude. In the event, the classes perpetually repeat the cycle, when the Middle class speak to the Low class of "justice" and of "human brotherhood" in aid of becoming the High class rulers.

In the twentieth century’s first half, the power-seeking Middle class dispensed with the pretence of pursuing justice for everyone: "In each variant of Socialism that appeared from about 1900 onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. The new movements which appeared in the middle years of the century . . . had the conscious aim of perpetuating unfreedom and inequality"; because the true goal was to end history upon becoming the perpetual High ruling class — composed not of aristocrats or plutocrats, but of "bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union organisers, publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists and professional politicians" originally from "the salaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class".

Moreover, by the mid-twentieth century, technology had rendered feasible a totalitarian society; electronic apparatuses, such as the telescreen (transceiving television) allowed continuous governmental espionage of the populace: "The possibility of enforcing not only complete obedience to the will of the State, but complete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time". After the revolutionary period of the 1950s and the 1960s, society divided itself into the High (Inner Party), the Middle (Outer Party), and the Low (Proles); the first used technology to establish themselves as the perpetual ruling class. The Inner Party, collectively fixed their privileged command-status when the old-style Socialists failed to perceive that the Party’s assumption of societal command had only concentrated political power to fewer people than under the deposed capitalism; they believed that the abolishment of private property had established Socialism, when it, in fact, established economic inequality.

Militarily, the Party do not fear the external conquest of Oceania — by either Eastasia or Eurasia — because the three super-states are military equals. The Oceanian social-class pyramid is a trinity: the ruling Inner Party — presided by Big Brother, an iconic, demigod leader (possibly fictional) meant to be worshiped and obeyed; the administrative Outer Party, who execute the rule of Oceania; and the Proles, who do the work. The mass of the populace will not revolt against the Party’s rule, because the Minitrue’s propaganda denies them the facts that would allow them to compare countries and political systems — and so discover their enslavement; therefore, the only possible, internal enemies would be "the splitting-off of a new group of able, under-employed, power-hungry people, and the growth of liberalism and scepticism in their own ranks".

The Proles usually are not subjected to propaganda: "They can be granted intellectual liberty because they have no intellect", thus no desire to rebel. Yet the inner and outer members of the Party are so controlled, lest they develop unorthodox intellectual deviations, be it scepticism or liberalism, thus, a Party member "is expected to have no private emotions and no respites from enthusiasm. He is supposed to live in a continuous frenzy of hatred of foreign enemies and internal traitors, triumph over victories, and self-abasement before the power and wisdom of the Party".

To safeguard the essential beliefs in the omniscience and infallibility of Big Brother and the Party, the Minitrue continually practices historical revisionism, because the past has no objective existence, given it resides in documents and in memory. To the end of suppressing any unorthodoxy, the Party inculcate self-deceptive habits of mind to the inner and outer members, thus crimestop ("preventive stupidity"), halts thinking at the threshold of politically-dangerous thought, and doublethink allows simultaneously holding and believing contradictory thoughts without noticing the contradiction, to wit:

“ . . . but by the exercise of doublethink he also satisfies himself that reality is not violated . . . To tell deliberate lies while genuinely believing in them, to forget any fact that has become inconvenient, and then, when it becomes necessary, to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed, to deny the existence of objective reality and all the while to take account of the reality which one denies — all this is indispensably necessary. Even in using the word doublethink it is necessary to exercise doublethink. ”

Hence the Party’s perpetuity: "for the secret of rulership is to combine a belief in one’s own infallibility with the power to learn from past mistakes . . . The prevailing mental condition must be controlled insanity".

Chapter III

Before reading the first chapter, Winston reads the third chapter War is Peace, which explains that slogan-title’s meaning, by reviewing how the global super-states were established: The US annexed the British Empire to form Oceania; the USSR annexed continental Europe to form Eurasia; and Eastasia emerged "after a decade of confused fighting", with China’s annexation of the Indian sub-continent, Japan, Korea, et al. In various alliances, they have warred for twenty-five years; yet the perpetual war is militarily nonsensical, because "it is a warfare of limited aims between combatants who are unable to destroy one another, have no material cause for fighting and are not divided by any genuine ideological difference", since each is a totalitarian state.

The historical review describes how, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, mechanised industrial production raised "the living standards of the average human being very greatly", and that it became "clear to all thinking people that the need for human drudgery, and therefore to a great extent for human inequality, had disappeared . . . hunger, overwork, dirt, illiteracy and disease could be eliminated within a few generations" — a threat to the Party’s perpetuity, because, ". . . if leisure and security were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would learn to think for themselves", become politically conscious and so depose the ruling oligarchy; therefore, ". . . in the long run, a hierarchical society was only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance". Given that large-scale, mechanised production could not be eliminated once invented, the Party arranges the destruction of surplus goods — before that makes "the masses too comfortable, and hence, in the long run, too intelligent", hence perpetual war:

“ is always so planned as to eat up any surplus that might exist after meeting the bare needs of the population . . . It is a deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groups somewhere near the brink of hardship, because a general state of scarcity increases the importance of small privileges and thus magnifies the distinction between one group and another. ”

Such a way of life creates, in the Party’s members, an externally-controlled mentality, wherein he or she is "a credulous and ignorant fanatic whose prevailing moods are fear, hatred, adulation and orgiastic triumph. In other words it is necessary that he should have the mentality appropriate to a state of war", although "the entire war is spurious . . . and waged for purposes quite other than the declared ones"; hence the populace believe it is real and will "end victoriously, with Oceania the undisputed master of the entire world". Despite unnecessary weapons development, the Inner Party know that the war must continue, that "the main frontiers must never be crossed by anything except bombs", lest an invasion of enemy territory allow the warring peoples to meet and discover that their lives are like those in the enemy super-state; even the ideologies — "Ingsoc", "Neo-Bolshevism", and "Obliteration of the Self" — alike portray the other as a barbarian:

“ Each is in effect a separate universe within which almost any perversion of thought can be safely practiced . . . The rulers of such a state are absolute, as the Pharaohs or the Caesars could not be. They are obliged to prevent their followers from starving to death in numbers large enough to be inconvenient, and they are obliged to remain at the same low level of military technique as their rivals; but once that minimum is achieved, they can twist reality into whatever shape they chose. ”

To wit, "the war" is "waged by each ruling group against its own subjects, and the object of the war is not to make or prevent conquests of territory, but to keep the structure of society intact", therefore, war is peace.

《尘封的篇章:一本未命名的旅程》 一部关于记忆的迷宫,关于失落的风景,以及那些我们终将学会放下的珍贵物件的深刻反思。 这是一部没有固定封面的作品,如同那些在时间长河中被冲刷得面目全非的古老航海日志,它拒绝被轻易定义。它不是关于某个宏大历史事件的编年史,也不是某个特定人物的自传,而是一次深入人类内心幽微之处的探险。作者以一种近乎考古学家的严谨和诗人的敏感,挖掘着那些被日常琐碎掩埋的“非叙事”材料。 全书的结构如同一个被遗弃的阁楼,里面堆满了被遗忘的信件、褪色的照片、磨损的木制玩具,以及无数半成品的思绪草稿。章节之间的联系并非遵循线性的时间顺序,而是通过情感的共振或某一特定气味的唤醒而跳跃。 第一部:空旷的画廊与重影 开篇是一系列关于“缺失”的描摹。作者没有直接描述任何故事情节,而是细致入微地描绘了某种“空白”所散发出的独特质感。想象一间拥有极高天花板的房间,光线从唯一一扇面向北方的窗户倾泻而入,照亮了空气中漂浮的微尘,以及地板上清晰可见的、曾经放置过某种重要家具的印记。 我们被引导去关注那些未曾被言说的对话,那些在关键时刻选择沉默的瞬间。作者探讨了“遗忘”并非一个被动的过程,而是一种主动的、充满能量的构建行为。通过对一些日常物品——比如一把生锈的钥匙、一张折叠了无数次的地图残片——的近距离观察,揭示了它们如何承载了超越其实际价值的情感重量。 其中一个章节,名为“半个故事的重量”,聚焦于那些我们曾试图开始,却因某种内在的阻力而被迫中断的项目。这些“未竟之作”成为了一个比完成的作品更具影响力的存在,它们像幽灵一样徘徊在创作者的潜意识中,不断提出质问。这并非对失败的控诉,而是对“可能性”的致敬。 第二部:时间的异化与地理的错位 在本书的中段,叙事开始在不同的“时空切片”之间穿梭。这些地理位置是模糊的,它们更像是某种内在情绪的具象化——有时是雾气弥漫的海岸线,有时是日夜温差极大的沙漠边缘。 作者对“等待”进行了近乎哲学的思辨。等待并非是时间的停滞,而是一种高度紧张的、需要持续消耗精力的状态。书中穿插了大量关于天气和光线的细致记录,这些自然现象被用作衡量内心波动的尺规。例如,一段关于“三月的第三个星期二下午四点的光线如何改变了一块石头的颜色”的描写,耗费了整整三页篇幅,它揭示了感知与现实之间的微妙张力。 另一个核心主题是“重复的仪式”。我们如何通过重复某些微不足道的动作来抵御外界的混沌?也许是每天早上冲泡咖啡的精确水温,也许是整理书架时坚持从左到右的顺序。这些仪式并非为了效率,而是为了在瞬息万变的生命中,锚定一个可供呼吸的固定点。书中描绘了一系列复杂且看似徒劳的“整理”场景,它们是面对无序世界时,个体微小的反抗。 第三部:回声与共振:非线性的人际关系 本书的后半部分,将视角投向了人与人之间那些无法用“友谊”或“爱情”简单概括的关系。这些关系往往建立在共享的沉默、默契的理解,以及共同经历过某个只有彼此才懂的“场景”之上。 作者使用了大量的“对谈碎片”,这些碎片可能只是两个字或一个感叹词,但它们之间蕴含的信息量,远超一段完整的陈述。例如,在一次假设的交谈中,A说“窗外”,B立刻回应“我知道了”,这段互动被置于一个复杂的背景之下进行分析,探讨了信任的深度——达到何种程度,我们才能省去解释的过程? 书中没有传统意义上的冲突或和解。取而代之的是一种“平稳的疏离感”。我们学会与自己生命中的某些过客保持一种微妙的距离,既不完全切断联系,也不试图去深入了解对方生活的全部。这是一种对人际交往复杂性的承认,认识到有些连接注定是松散的,而接受这一点本身就是一种成熟。 结语:未曾命名的重量 全书以一种近乎冥想的状态收尾。作者将读者带回了最初的那个空旷的房间,但这一次,房间的质地似乎有所不同。光线依旧,尘埃依旧,然而观察者的心境已经发生了微妙的迁移。 “未命名”本身成为了一种强有力的宣言。它拒绝被市场、被分类、被贴上标签,从而保留了其最原始的、面对未知的开放性。这本书的价值不在于它提供了多少答案,而在于它成功地构建了一个邀请,邀请读者进入自己的“未命名空间”,去重新审视那些被自己忽略的、沉默的、却又至关重要的生活片段。它是一面镜子,映照出的不是清晰的形象,而是观察者眼中倒映出的,那一片迷离而深刻的内部景观。 阅读此书,如同在古旧的沙漏旁静坐,观察每一粒沙子的坠落,理解它们下落的轨迹,而非急于翻转沙漏,重新计算时间。

作者简介

O’Brien rejects Winston Smith’s perspective as nonsense, because he is a faithful member of the Inner Party, not a revolutionary of the Brotherhood. At the Miniluv, he tortures Winston in order to cure him of his political insanity: that there exists an objective reality external to that of the Party. In their torture chamber conversations, he tells Winston that The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism, "the book" by Emmanuel Goldstein, was written by a committee that included him. When Winston asks O’Brien if "the book" is true, he replies: "As description, yes. The programme it sets forth . . . is nonsense".

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